As soon as the results of the first round of the 2016 Austrian presidential elections were announced, a map that shows the winning candidate by municipality went viral.

Austrian election maps are usually dominated by the colours red or black to indicate a winning Social Democratic Party (SPÖ) or Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP). Since 24 April 2016, the day when Norbert Hofer from the far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ) won the first round of the presidential elections, the political landscape of Austria looks almost entirely blue with some green, grey, red and black dots.

Despite five rival candidates, Hofer came out as the winner in the vast majority of Austria’s municipalities. The colours of the austromorph maps below indicate the winning candidate’s party affiliation: blue for Norbert Hofer (FPÖ), green for the runner-up candidate Alexander van der Bellen from Austria’s Green Party, and grey for the independent third-placed candidate Irmgard Griss. A few red and black dots indicate municipalities which were won by candidates from the ruling grand coalition parties (SPÖ and ÖVP respectively).

A runoff between Hofer and van der Bellen will decide Austria’s next president. And Norbert Hofer indeed has a good chance to become the country’s first president in post-war history who is not backed by one of the two major centrist parties, i.e. SPÖ or ÖVP. However, winning the second round of the elections won’t be as easy for Hofer as the upper map might suggest.

Traditional maps do not consider the population size of each municipality but rather the size of its territories. This can be quite misleading when mapping election results. Do the polygons of the small map in the upper left corner represent urban areas with a high population density or low-density rural areas? For this reason, the territories in the main map have been re-sized by the respective electorate (i.e. the number of persons eligible to vote). Consequently, the map represents the actual size of each municipality’s electorate rather than the size of its territory and therefore allows a weighted overview on the election results.

Weighted or not, Austria’s political landscape remains by and large blue. Nevertheless, the comparatively large green spots in the re-sized map suggest a rural-urban divide in the political geography of Austria. Norbert Hofer (FPÖ) was the winner in the vast majority of municipalities, especially in (less densely populated) rural municipalities, while Alexander van der Bellen (Green Party) won in most of Austria’s larger cities such as Vienna, Graz, Linz, Innsbruck, as well as in the rather urban Rheintal region (in the West of Austria).

It remains to be seen whether Norbert Hofer or Alexander van der Bellen will win the deciding second election round on 22 May 2016. Regardless of the outcome, make sure to check out the election maps from austromorph.space.

See also

• austromorph.space – A cartographic project reshaping Austria
• Detailed elections results provided by ORF (Austrian Broadcast Corporation)
• drawingdata – Visualisations of political data in Austria

Vienna went to the polls yesterday (on 11 October 2015). The city’s electorate had to cast its vote twice, for the city council as well as for the city’s 23 district councils.

We mapped the 2015 Vienna election results of the citywide elections (left) as well as the results of the district councils (right) in each of the city’s 23 districts. Both maps show the winning party as well as the second party in each district.

One city, two political landscapes?

Two factors might have contributed to the slightly different results at the city council elections and the district councils elections. First, at the citywide level only Austrian nationals older than 16 years are eligible to vote, while at the district level also EU citizens are enfranchised. Second, many seem to have split their votes strategically at both levels of representation.

*Addendum 2016-09-21:
Almost one year after the 2015 elections, a rerun of the district council elections in Vienna’s 2nd district took place on 18 September 2016. Surprisingly, this time the Green Party gained the most votes in the district relegating the Social Democrats to second place.

Data source:

• City of Vienna (MA62)

See also:

• Interactive data map of Vienna’s electorate gap, district by district (2015-09-17) – Data visualisation by Ramon Bauer, Tina Frank, Michael Holzapfel and Clemens Schrammel.
• Vienna electorate – A collection of Metropop contributions to the topic of Vienna’s shrinking electorate.

Vienna has a growing democratic deficit. As long as voting rights are linked to citizenship, overly strict naturalisation requirements are weakening democratic participation. This is especially the case in countries of immigration, affecting first and foremost cities that are hubs of international migration – such as Vienna.

A series of Metropop blog posts and visualisations have already addressed the phenomenon of Vienna’s shrinking electorate. In fact, the city’s widening electorate gap is due to the fact that the growth of the city’s electorate cannot keep up with its population growth. This post examines the impact of Austria’s strict citizenship law on the size of Vienna’s electorate.

The shrinking electorate of Vienna (part III)

Although Vienna’s population grew by 16% between 1981 and 2014, the city’s electorate shrunk by 2% during the same period. Vienna’s democratic deficit is growing because voting rights are linked to citizenship – only Austrian nationals at voting age are enfranchised. Since the city’s population growth is almost entirely driven by international immigration, fewer and fewer residents are eligible to vote. Already one out of four people at voting age will be unable to participate in the citywide 2015 Vienna elections (to be held on 11 October).

A major factor for the widening gap between Vienna’s population size and the size of its electorate is that many international migrants remain foreign nationals even after years of residency in the city. One reason is that Austria has a relatively restrictive nationality law. Fist, citizenship is based on the principle of jus sanguinis, which means that Austrian-born children of foreign nationals are not automatically granted Austrian citizenship at birth. Second, citizenship is granted only to applicants who meet a range of requirements.

In 2006, an amendment of the Austrian nationality law made naturalisation requirements even stricter. This includes for example a minimum continuous residence of 10 years, knowledge of the German language (at B1 level), irreproachability (which also includes administrative penalties), a relatively high level of income, and the renunciation of foreign citizenship. Consequently, naturalisation rates and numbers have plummeted since 2006 and remained on a very low level ever since.

More than 40% of all foreign nationals in Austria are living in Vienna. Naturalisations have peaked in Austria’s capital city in 2003, simply because many migrants and refugees from former Yugoslavia who have arrived during the early 1990s had met the required minimum period of residence by then to become eligible for citizenship.

Since the amendment of the citizenship law became effective in 2006, the naturalisation rate (i.e. naturalisations per 100 foreign nationals) strongly declined: from more than 4% (in 2005) to just above 0.5% (in 2014). Since 2010, on average less than 2,400 foreign residents of Vienna have been granted citizenship per year. And the majority of these new Austrians were actually born in Austria.

So what … ?

Less naturalisations mean less Austrian citizens, and less Austrian citizens mean less eligible voters. In a growing city like Vienna, less eligible voters mean a growing democratic deficit (as already discussed here). Since the implementation of the stricter naturalisation requirements in 2006, Vienna’s population growth has even accelerated, driven by increased international immigration. Between 2005 and 2014, the city’s population has grown by 8.5% while the electorate has gained just 2.8%. However, the number of the people eligible to vote would not have increased at all if the lowering of the voting age from 18 years to 16 years would not have added 27,948 additional persons to the electorate in 2007.

What if … ?

What if naturalisation rates would not have declined? How many more people would have been added to Vienna’s electorate since 2006? Aiming to answer these questions we elaborated three scenarios, which illustrate the impact of the tightened citizenship law since 2006 on the size of Vienna’s electorate in 2014. For this reason, we just considered naturalisations of people at voting age – i.e. 18 years and older for 2006 and 16 years and older from 2007 onwards.

Scenario 1 keeps the annual average naturalisation rate 2001–2005 constant from 2006 onwards. Since naturalisation were at an all-time high during the period 2001–2005, scenario 2 is based on annual average rates 1996–2000, which rather correspond to the long-term trends since the 1980s. Scenario 3 depicts what would have happened if there had been no naturalisations at all since 2006.

In both main scenarios (1 and 2) the number of naturalised Austrians among Vienna’s residents by 2014 is several times higher than the actual numbers observed since the amendment of the nationality law became effective in 2006. During the eight years between 2006 and 2014, just 21,317 foreign residents in Vienna at voting age were granted Austrian citizenship.

So, let’s assume that the naturalisation rates observed during the period 2001–2005 (i.e. just before the requirements were tightened) would have continued after 2006 (scenario 1). In this case more than four times more foreign residents at voting age (98,028 persons) would have received Austrian citizenship. Consequently, Vienna would have had 76,711 more eligible voters by 2014 compared to the actual figures. When applying the slightly lower rates of the period 1996–2000 (scenario 2), in total 81,639 foreign residents at voting age would have been naturalised between 2006 and 2014. As a consequence, Vienna’s electorate would have added 60,322 more eligible voters by 2014.

The chart above illustrates the consequences of the stricter naturalisation requirements that became effective in 2006 on the size of Vienna’s electorate in 2014. As already mentioned, Vienna’s total population (all ages and nationalities) increased by 8.5% between 2005 and 2014 (dark line), while the city’s electorate grew only by 2.8% (red line).

In scenario 1 (blue line), which is based on naturalisation rates observed between 2001 and 2005, the electorate would have increased by 9.8% since 2006. This would have meant that the electorate would have stronger increase than the total population and, hence, a narrowing of Vienna’s electorate gap. Scenario 2 (yellow line), which shows the development after 2006 according to 1996–2000 naturalisation rates, would not be too far off from scenario 1. Vienna’s electorate would have increased by 8.3% – just 0.2% less than the change of the total population. In the case of the reference scenario 3 (grey dashed line), which depicts a hypothetical situation with no naturalisations since 2006, Vienna’s electorate would have increased by 0.9% until 2014 – if only because of the lowering of the voting age from 18 years to 16 years in 2007.

To put it plainly …

By 2014, almost one out of four residents of Vienna at voting age were not eligible to vote because of their (foreign) citizenship. The share of persons not eligible to vote increased from 18.0% in 2005 to 24.5% in 2014 mainly because of stricter naturalisation requirements that became effective in 2006. Assuming that the Austrian nationality law would not have been tightened, the share of residents at voting age unable to vote would have still increased until 2014, but significantly less: by 1.5% in scenario 1 and by 2.6% in scenario 2. In case there would have been no naturalisations at all since 2006 (scenario 3), the share of Vienna’s residents at voting age not eligible to vote would just be 1.5% higher than the actually observed 24.5%.

Vienna’s widening electorate gap is due to fact that voting rights in Austria are based on citizenship. The democratic deficit in Austria’s capital city has even become more severe after naturalisation requirements were tightened in 2006. So, how to narrow the gap between the city’s total population and its electorate?

On the one side, the consequences of citizenship laws need to be reconsidered. Too strict naturalization requirements literally produce more foreign nationals, which in turn leads to a diminishing share of residents eligible to vote. Given that the majority of naturalised persons in Vienna since 2006 were actually born in Austria, obviously jus sanguinis should be dropped in favour of jus soli, which would grant citizenship to everyone born in the country. On the other side, democratic participation could be strengthened if citizenship and voting rights would be decoupled. This is especially the case in countries and cities with a high share of international migrants. Voting rights that are bound to residency (e.g. after a stay of 3 years) would much better reflect the reality of a society shaped by immigration.

Although both options would make a lot of sense, the political reality in Austria is that neither a liberalisation of the citizenship law nor a voting law based on residency would find a legislative majority. However, without any reforms of Austria’s citizenship law and/or voting law Vienna’s electorate gap will definitely become even wider in the future.

References:

• Data sources: Statistics Austria and Statistics Vienna (MA23)

See also:

• Vienna electorate – A collection of Metropop contributions to the topic of Vienna’s shrinking electorate.

Two years ago, I discussed the deepening democratic deficit related to the increasing number of (disenfranchised) foreign nationals in Vienna in a Metropop post. Just in time for the upcoming 2015 Vienna election (to be held on 11 October), I take up the topic of Vienna’s shrinking electorate once more, and in more detail.

The shrinking electorate of Vienna (part II)

Back in 1971, virtually every inhabitant of Vienna was Austrian by nationality national, hence 96% of the people at voting age were eligible to vote. Since then, the share of foreign nationals at voting age has gone up and so has the share of people at voting age who are not eligible to vote: from 4% in 1971 to 16% in 2002 and up to 25% in 2015. This means that one out of four people at voting age will be unable to participate in the 2015 Vienna elections.

The period 2002 to 2015 is especially interesting with respect to Vienna’s widening electorate gap, i.e. the number or share of people old enough to vote who remain ineligible to do so. First, population growth driven by an increasing influx of international immigrants has accelerated since 2002, making Vienna one of the fastest growing capital cities in Europe. Second, tighter naturalisation requirements became effective in 2006, which makes it more difficult for foreign nationals to acquire Austrian citizenship and thus the right to vote. Third, the lowering of the voting age from 18 years to 16 years added 27,948 additional persons to the electorate in 2007. Finally, a solid register-based time series of annual population data since 2002 (by Statistics Austria) makes it possible to dig deeper into the topic.

Vienna’s electorate gap is increasing because the growth of the electorate is not keeping pace with population growth. The city’s total population grew by 14.4% between 2002 and 2015 (from less than 1.6 million to 1.8 million) while the electorate has increased by just 4.5% (or less than twenty-four thousand persons). The chart above clearly shows that at least half of the electorate’s net gains since 2002 can be attributed to the lowering of the voting age in 2007. The data map below illustrates how the electorate has changed between 2002 and 2015 (in %) in relation to the total population, district by district.

See also our Vienna electorate gap infographic (elaborated together with Tina Frank and Michael Holzapfel) as well as the interactive data map (coded by Clemens Schrammel).

All districts of Vienna gained population between 2002 and 2015 except for the 1st district. The combination of population growth and a stagnating or decreasing electorate (as observed since 2002) affected the city’s twenty-three districts differently. In general, the gap between total population and eligible voters has widened everywhere across Vienna. However, some districts with a strong population growth had only small electorate gains (such as the 10th, 11th, and 12th districts). Other districts experienced an average population growth but a decline of the electorate, which also resulted in a widening gap (such as the 4th, 9th , 18th, and 20th districts). But there are also districts with both a strong population growth since 2002 and a moderate increase in the electorate gap, with the best example being the 22nd district.

Note: Red columns show the share of people who are eligible to vote, grey columns indicate the share of those who are ineligible to vote (in%). Click image to enlarge.

As of the beginning of 2015, Vienna’s electorate gap was widest in the 15th district, where less than 62% of the voting-age population is eligible to vote. Several other districts feature electoral representation below 70%. Smaller electoral gaps with respect to the citywide average are prevalent mainly in outer districts (such as the 13th, 19th, 21th, 22nd, and 23rd district) – check out our infographic for additional maps.

Vienna’s electorate gap varies significantly by age. In general, the share of eligible voters is lower in younger age groups (below 45 years) and higher in older age groups. This is mainly because the vast majority of international immigrants are young adults. Immigrants who remain in Vienna for some years often eventually acquire Austrian citizenship, and hence become part of the electorate.

Note: Red columns show the share of people who are eligible to vote, grey columns indicate the share of those who are ineligible to vote (in%). Click image to enlarge.

Differentiating by broad age groups, only two-thirds of 16 to 29 year-olds are eligible for voting. The share of young voters differs between Vienna’s districts, ranging from 54% (15th district) to 81% (21st district). The city’s electorate gap is widest among those between 30 and 44 years of age. Only 63% of the population at young working age is eligible to vote. Their share is lowest in the 15th district, where half of young adults are excluded from participating in citywide or national elections. Those at prime working age between 45 and 59 years have a smaller average electorate gap. The citywide average of eligible voters in this age group is 80%, which ranges from 66% (15th district) to 88% (22nd and 23rd district). The electorate gap amongst residents age 60+ is the smallest in Vienna, with 90% eligible to vote. Although Vienna’s seniors represent only about 22% of the total population, they account for 31% of Vienna’s 2015 electorate.

Who is left to vote?

Vienna has a growing democratic deficit. Already, 25% of the voting-age population is excluded from participating in citywide and national elections. On top of that, not every eligible voter is actually going to the polls. In Vienna, the average voter turnout at national and federal-state elections since 2002 is 68.8%. Assuming this average turnout for the coming 2015 Vienna elections, only 784.000 persons, or around 43% of Vienna’s entire population, will elect the next city council.

A widening electorate gap due to an increase in foreign nationals is a predominately urban phenomenon. Cities are hubs of international migration. Vienna, for example, represents 21% of the Austrian population and more than 40% of its share of foreign nationals. The situation in the Austrian capital city exemplifies an increasing democratic deficit that is prevalent in many other cities with strong population growth driven by international migration.

So, how to narrow an electorate gap? In countries with rather strict naturalisation requirements such as Austria, a less restrictive legislation would generate more eligible voters (a forthcoming Metropop post will deal with this topic). Another option is to link the eligibility for voting to the length of residency rather than to the nationality. Such a paradigm shift would ensure that almost every citizen would be enabled to participate in the political process.

References:

• Population data: Statistics Austria
• Voter turnout data: City of Vienna

See also:

• Vienna electorate – A collection of Metropop contributions to the topic of Vienna’s shrinking electorate.
• Vienna’s electorate gap infographic – Available for download as PDF poster.
• Vienna’s electorate gap data map – Interactive data map of Vienna (district by district).
• London Squared Map – Innovative data map and inspiration for the Metropop Vienna electorate gap data map.

How did the share of foreign nationals in Vienna evolve since 1971? What are the changes of the total population in relation to changes in the electorate since 2002? Are there any significant differences by age? This data-driven infographic by Ramon Bauer, Tina Frank and Michael Holzapfel provides answers to these questions – district by district.

Download the PDF poster!

See also:

• Interactive data map (coded by Clemens Schrammel)
• Blog post on Vienna’s electorate gap – district by district (by Ramon Bauer)
• Collection of Metropop contributions dealing with the topic of Vienna’s shrinking electorate

University courses in social sciences that deal with data traditionally have a strong focus on quantitative methods but do not consider how data-based evidence should be communicated, especially to a non-academic audience. Since most academics are not trained in communication, it is hardly surprising that there is a general lack of mind and skill sets to do so. However, graduates of the 4cities Master Programme are working on urban topics in sectors such as urban policy advising, planning, research, teaching, media and arts. Being a professional in these disciplines makes it a necessity to be an urban storyteller. In the digital age, which is also the age of data, a promising way of communicating quantitative information to a wider audience is data visualisation.

Besides data handling and analysis (which is the foundation of quantitative research) the course focused on the meaning of data and how data can be communicated and visualised. Since this is quite a lot for one semester we did not go into great detail, neither theoretically nor methodologically. The aim of the course was rather to enable students with different backgrounds to analyse urban data in order to communicate it visually. Well, considering the students’ feedback as well as my impression on the course, I can clearly say that teaching how to make sense of data and how to communicate quantitative information matters – and it is also rewarding.

To give an idea how the 4cities students approached the task of visualising a data-driven urban narrative of Vienna, find below a selection of projects elaborated during the course. The assignment given was to develop a draft for an interactive data visualisation or to deliver a static infographic (this particular assignment is obviously borrowed from Alberto Cairo‘s MOOC Introduction to Infographics, Data Visualization – a great course, which I attended in 2012). That means it was not required to actually code the interactive parts or to come up with a final design, but rather to elaborate und present a mock-up of the actual data visualisation project that represents the concept, the background of the story and the data used, as well as an idea about the interface functionality and design. For example …

Vienna in Squares – mapping Vienna’s building stock

by Bálint Halász, Elina Kränzle, Hala El Moussawi and Guillén Torres

A map of Vienna by sub-district level shows the proportions of private-owned residential buildings; a tree map illustrates the distribution by building period. Data source: Open Data Wien

Vienna in Squares is a visualisation that explores the spatial distribution of Vienna’s building stock. A gorgeous map based on squares (hence the title) displays three different levels (city, district, sub-district) along four characteristics (building type, property type, building period, amenities). When elaborated in detail and coded, this draft for an interactive data visualisation would definitely be a great online project alongside other visualisations that cover the characteristics of building stock – for example: Urban Layers, Block by Block – Brooklyn’s Past and Present or Buildings in the Netherlands.
break

Bike Woes Wien – reporting, sharing and mapping pitfalls for cyclists

by Lorena Axinte, Sonja Dragovic, Lucie Rosset and Devon Willis – coded by Bojan Cincur

 Screenshot from bikewoeswien.com shows all reported woes on a map and also as a list.

Bike Woes Wien is an online platform that enables cyclists in Vienna to share their problems (“woes”). The project goes beyond a static draft for a data visualisation (i.e. the original assignment) and became a full website with an interactive map as a central tool (see also the neat heat map version). The original data comes from RadKummerKasten, an initiative of RadLobby that collected more than 1,000 complaints in Vienna since 2012. The website invites users to report and share their observations and experiences (see also promotion video), which makes Bike Woes Wien and related projects such as You Are Here or Bikenapped great examples for bottom-up initiatives that respond to urban needs and demands.

Vienna’s Underground World – mapping births and deaths along Vienna’s metro lines

by James Furlong, Sandra Jurasszovich, William Otchere-Darko and Maëlys Waiengnier

Main screen allows to choose (1) a topic (births, deaths, or natural population balance) and (2) a metro station or line.

Vienna’s Underground World is a project that maps birth and death rates as well as rates of natural increase across the different metro stations and lines of Vienna. The project was inspired by Lives on the Line (showing life expectancy and child poverty in London as a tube map) and by the Inequality and New York’s Subway visualisation. Using data from Open Wien, this project demonstrates the magic of spatial analysis. For example, allocating small-scale population data by proximity to metro lines and stations reveals that there is not a single neighbourhood surrounding the stations of the U1 metro line that exceeds the average birth rate of Vienna (see image below).

Result for a particular station (left) or for a metro line (right) – originally displayed underneath the main screen – see above. Data source: Open Data Wien

The course was an attempt to make an interdisciplinary group of urban studies students familiar with different quantitative methods (including GIS). The results prove that digging into a data set does not necessarily yield boring results and bored students. Focussing not exclusively on methods but also on the meaning of data and how to communicate it visually seems to be a promising way to spark the interest of students to work with data. I am already looking forward to the next course starting in March 2015.

Based on data from five Austrian censuses, researchers from the Wittgenstein Centre for Demography and Global Human Capital reconstructed Vienna’s demographic structure by age, sex and religion between 1971 and 2011. Their research project WIREL addresses the role of religions in shaping the social and demographic structure of the population of Vienna (I already reported on that in an older metropop post).

The increasing religious diversity of Vienna since 1971 was visualised by Ramon Bauer, Tina Frank, Anne Goujon and Clemens Schrammel. Their data visualisation connects the city’s changing demographic and religious landscape by highlighting changes in the religious composition as well as population size and age structure. The visualisation also shows how secularisation, migration, fertility and marriage patterns are linked to religious and demographic change in Vienna.

Try it yourself  by hovering over the chart area to change the period. Click on the four forces to see how they affect the population structure over time. Or even better, visit the webpage of the dataviz at www.wirel-project.at/dataviz – where you will find loads of additional information, as well as a more pleasant layout (compared to the slightly distorted iframe-version below which I had to squeeze into the slim metropop layout).

According to Anne Goujon, head of the WIREL research group, the aim of the reconstruction of the city’s religious composition is to produce a sound data basis for population projections of Vienna by age, sex and religion. Goujon and her team are already working on the scenarios for these projections which are planned to be published by the end of 2014.

Additional information

The WIREL dataviz website www.wirel-project.at/dataviz provides loads of additional information on the research project, the reconstruction of the religious composition, as well as links to a poster version of the data visualisation, the WIREL dataset and also to the source code of the interactive online visualisation at Github.

Measuring global migration flows is a difficult task because data on bilateral international migration flows often does not exist. Available migration data is usually based on information on foreign-born population stocks. New estimates developed by Guy Abel and Nikola Sander quantify bilateral international migration flows based on migration stock data from the United Nations. In order to communicate the new dataset on international migration, researchers from the Wittgenstein Centre for Demography and Global Human Capital together with coders from Null2 jointly developed a new interactive data visualisation, which illustrates the global flow of people (at www.global-migration.info).

Visualising global migration flows is also rather tricky. Commonly used migration maps that visualise place-to-place flows often fall short of conveying the complexities of human movement in an effective and visually appealing manner. Based on a circular plot, this new approach for visualising migration flows allows to explore the global flow of people between and within regions, as well as for individual countries, for five-year periods between 1990 and 2010. By hovering across the plot, the data can be experienced intuitively – allowing to explore complex flows that are otherwise hidden in a table with some thousand cells (see screenshot below from www.global-migration.info).

For example, were you aware of the globalised nature of out-flows from South Asia, …

… or how strong migration flows are within Africa relative to flows from Africa to more developed regions?

Try it yourself! … and also watch the short animation (produced by Nikola Sander) that explains the complexity of estimating and visualising the global flow of people in just 4 minutes.

Links, references and data sources:

• The Global Flow of People – Online data visualisation by Nikola Sander, Guy Abel, Ramon Bauer, Johannes Schmidt, Andi Pieper, and Elvira Stein.
• Download the data: global migration flows (1990 – 2010) – Dataset by Wittgenstein Centre of Demography and Global Human Capital (IIASA, VID/OEAW, WU)
• Global Migration Data Sheet (2005–2010) – Poster (pdf) by Nikola Sander, Guy Abel and Ramon Bauer. Vienna Institute of Demography (Wittgenstein Centre).
• Quantifying Global International Migration Flows – Article by Guy Abel and Nikola Sander. Published in Science, 343 (6178) (Accepted Version).
• Visualising Migration Flow Data using Circos, R and d3.js – Article by Nikola Sander, Guy Abel, Ramon Bauer and Johannes Schmidt. VID Working Paper 02/2014, Vienna Institute of Demography.